Briton was founded on a single question: what would Britain look like if government actually kept its word?
Long before the Romans arrived, before the Vikings, before the Normans, the people of these islands were known as the Britons — Celtic-speaking peoples whose languages gave rise to Welsh, Cornish and Breton. They were not the first here, and they did not build the oldest things in this landscape: Stonehenge and Avebury were raised by farming peoples thousands of years before Celtic speech reached these shores. That is the point. Britain has never been a country of one people, and Briton is a name successive arrivals took on, not a lineage anyone can claim.
We chose that name deliberately. Not as a claim of exclusivity — but as an act of remembrance and inclusion.
Every person who calls Britain home is a Briton — regardless of where they or their family came from, what they believe, or what they look like. It is the most inclusive word in the English language for what it means to belong to Britain.
"We carry a sacred trust. We will not break it. We will not sell it. We will not trade it for lobbyists' money or short-term political convenience. Our covenant is with the British people and it will hold."
BRITON FOUNDING STATEMENT
Britain did not decline because its people stopped working. It declined because we stopped owning things. We sold the energy, the water, the steel, the chips and the housing stock, and then rented them back at a mark-up — and taxed the wages of the people paying the rent.
Briton is a fifteen-year programme to reverse that in three moves at once: let people keep and compound what they earn, rebuild the capacity to make things here, and go first in the technologies we had quietly decided were somebody else’s to win. Each move is set out below as it affects the country, and as it affects a household.
Capital that is raised here, held here and answerable here. Homes owned rather than rented from a balance sheet in another jurisdiction. Firms with British owners, British suppliers and profits that stay in the country that produced them. Ownership is not a reward at the end of a career — it is the mechanism by which a family stops starting from zero every generation.
Income tax phased out to nothing within ten years. Mortgages at 2% for the life of the programme — not a teaser rate and not a staging post. Stamp duty and inheritance tax abolished for British residents, with stamp duty retained on non-resident purchases. The largest gain by far is the end of a tax on earnings; what it makes possible is a first home sooner, and something left over at the end of it.
Energy, water and retail banking held publicly rather than extracted from. Food, materials, medicines, chemicals and manufacturing rebuilt at home across nine sectors, so that a shock in someone else’s shipping lane is not a crisis in a British kitchen. Self-sufficiency is not nostalgia; it is the only version of sovereignty that survives contact with a supply chain.
Energy bills cut sharply and held down, because the country owns the generation rather than the invoice. Water reduced in steps as the inherited repair backlog is cleared. Universal Credit replaced by a guaranteed paid job through the National Employment Service — not a payment for being out of work, but work.
Fusion power. A British lunar programme. Sovereign compute, a sovereign operating system and a British-made handset. Humanoid robotics, brain–computer interfaces and critical materials processed on these islands. Britain invented the computer, the jet engine and the World Wide Web and then let others build the industries. This is the decision to stop doing that.
Degrees fully funded across fifteen sectors, with guaranteed employment on graduation. The point of a sovereign technology programme is not the flag on the rocket — it is that the skilled, well-paid work it creates is created in Britain, and is still here in twenty years for the people now at school.
Not everyone gains at the same time, and we publish the sequence rather than the average. Income tax ends immediately for those employed by the state and by the British industrial programmes, and phases out for everyone else by Year 10 — which means a private-sector household sees no income tax saving in the first two years. The Wealth Contribution Levy falls on a private-sector holder only once that holder’s income tax has reached zero. Nobody pays both.
The programme runs a deficit before it runs a surplus, reaching its first surplus in Year 11 and +£199.1 billion by Year 15. It rests on a growth assumption that we publish, argue for and stress-test in public — including the rates at which the account does not close. The full fifteen-year bridge and the year-by-year household accounts are published in full, and the case against them is published alongside.
No private financial interest shall ever influence Briton policy. No lobbyist, no corporation, no foreign government.
The structures that matter most are not governments or corporations. They are families, communities and relationships of trust.
Britain invented the computer, the jet engine, the World Wide Web and graphene. We will back British science with investment it deserves.
Briton will publish full accounts of every lobbying relationship, every outside interest and every financial connection to government.
Every penny donated, every pound spent, every contract awarded — published in full. No dark money. No hidden donors.
Every person who calls Britain home deserves to be treated with dignity and justice. These are not negotiable and not conditional.
Only Briton commits to a full phase-out of income tax for every British citizen within 10 years.
Mortgages at 2% against a 5.46% market average, held there for the life of the programme — £4,834 a year for a mortgaged household. Interest-free credit cards and personal loans.
£88 billion over 10 years. Britain on the Moon. British-made chips. Humanoid robots. Brain-computer interfaces.
First surplus Year 11 (+£6.0bn), on a published 15-year bridge that also shows what happens if the growth assumption fails. Every figure calculated from official OBR, ONS, HMRC and BoE data. Published in full.
Governed by a published constitution under which no leader, council or donor can override the founding principles. All NEC decisions published within 21 days.
Elected by one-member-one-vote ballot every four years. Maximum three consecutive terms. Removable by two-thirds NEC vote followed by membership ballot.
11 members. Meets minimum six times per year. Quorum two-thirds. All minutes published within 21 days.
Every member in good standing may attend, speak and vote. Approves accounts, elects officers, ratifies policy, considers amendments.
Published in full
Application to the Electoral Commission under PPERA 2000
PPERA compliant · Published in full
Freely available
Official data sources · Published in full
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